http://pu.edu.pk/images/journal/history/PDF-FILES/ARTICLE%202%20TEHSIN%2025-43_v50_no2_2013.pdfDRUG TRAFFICKING FROM AFGHANISTAN TO
PAKISTAN AND ITS IMPLICATIONS
PAKISTAN AND ITS IMPLICATIONS
Tuesday 29 April 2014
My article in 'Review of Faith and International Affairs,Volume 11, Issue 1, 2013
US FOREIGN POLICY AND THE FUTURE OF DEMOCRACY AND RELIGIOUS FREEDOM IN PAKISTAN
http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/15570274.2012.760973#.U19QGa2Sxss
Transformation of National Security Discourse since 9/11
National security has a wide meaning and all embracing
dimensions. When we discuss National security we agree that it is an overriding
priority of all states and it consists of not only military but also political,
economic, social, humanitarian and human rights aspects. Threat posed to any
element of national power creates security problems, whereas enhanced security in
contrast creates conditions for the successful pursuit of development.
In the new
literature on national security, internal factors are of equal and sometimes
more importance than the traditional factors. Recently non-military threats to
security have moved to the forefront of global concern: underdevelopment and
declining prospects for development as well as mismanagement and waste of
resources constitute challenges to security.
Terrorism
has deep roots in Pakistani society due to number of causes that includes bad
governance, marginalization of rural areas, delay and unavailability of justice
and easy access to weapons. Extremism in any society is due to poverty,
unemployment, weak law and order, health and illiteracy. Socio-economic
problems lead towards extremism because when these problems are combined they
provide ground for terrorists.
Pakistan faces multi forms of terrorism; To begin with, the Global War on Terror (GWOT) effects Pakistan’s security environment more than any other state in the world. The events of 9/11 brought dramatic changes not only in Pakistan’s foreign policy but also drastically disturbed the security scenario of Pakistan.
Therefore, the emphasis on national security, since then, has changed: it now revolves around internal threats and challenges rather than external. Among the domestic sources of concerns that had almost continuously impacted Pakistani society, there are issues relating to governance, political instability, sluggish economy, energy and water crises, ethnicity, extremism, and terrorism etc. Given the nature of the existing international, regional, and domestic environment, Pakistan is facing many security challenges.
Pakistan has been facing external threats to its independence and territorial integrity right from its birth. Sandwiched between India and Afghanistan, Pakistan’s security perceptions have been largely influenced by its state of relationships with India and Afghanistan. Today, Pakistan is confronted with a three-threat scenario—the perennial threat from India, Afghanistan, and the threat emanating from a changing domestic situation, presenting a formidable task for Pakistani security planners.
More specifically, the single largest source of security challenges has been with India. However, on September 3, 2008, for the first time in 60 years of independence, Pakistan faced a direct military attack by external armed forces, other than India. It was an alarming situation for Pakistan's security and sovereignty. Periodic domestic troubles along with internal subversion further complicated the situation.
It is true in strategic terms that in view of Afghanistan’s internal problems and the relative military inferiority; it cannot pose a serious threat to Pakistan’s security. But the danger of possible fall out from Afghanistan’s political instability into the neighboring provinces of Pakistan cannot be overlooked. The provinces of Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa, Baluchistan and FATA are extremely prone to such an eventuality, primarily because of the existence of dissident elements. The diversion in Pakistan’s policy towards Afghanistan offers opportunities as well as challenges for the state. It could also provide an opportunity to anti-government elements to use the ignited situation to their own advantage.
It is important to note that FATA has been considered as a strategic depth of Pakistan and as the legitimate area of country’s territories. In fact, it has been the part of Pakistan’s foreign policy to protect and secure its borders and to make no compromise on its national objectives. Federally Administered Tribal Area (FATA) of Pakistan became breeding grounds of extremism from where terrorists and extremists spread throughout Pakistan in the name of religious activism. The protection of the whole country depends on securing the FATA, which is the gateway to Pakistan’s territorial integrity and governance.
Since 9/11 there are many horizontal and vertical divisions regarding national security, which keep people divided: religion, identity and economic disparity. Religious extremism has created an unenviable image of Pakistan in the eyes of the rest of the world and has affected the country adversely. Besides ethnicity and sectarianism, inter-provincial grievances could also potentially cause serious damage to the federation. Similarly, Pakistan’s troubled economic conditions, fluid political setting, and perilous security circumstances present serious challenges to Pakistan’s security.
On top of it all, Talibanization promoted a culture of terrorism in Pakistan which includes ambushes on armed forces by Tehrik-e- Taliban Pakistan (TTP); suicide attacks in mosques and other important places; target killings of religious, political and civil society figures, scholars and doctors, journalists; and blowing up schools, offices of NGOs, bridges and pillions.
Deep rifts have always been present within the political, religious and even government circles on the issue of the war on terror and the government’s policies in this regard. There also appear to be rifts in public opinion vis’ - a - vis’ government approach to militancy and terrorism, for example certain groups agitation against the on going talks with TTP.
A sever skepticism has emerged about the negotiation process is that it helped set up the TTP as a legitimate political actor rather than a terrorist organization. The official policy has neither brought peace nor evolved a consensus on the issue. Many quarters consider Pakistan’s polity as confused with further confusion being sown by ill informed debates in the media. Consequently the natural outcome of talks would be a split view on the Taliban.
Moreover, certain political and security analysts argue that Weak governance and over-reliance on military solutions have contributed to political turmoil and a build-up of extremism. One comes across a multitude of statements – by military chiefs, the diplomatic community, and political leaders – which are not only contradictory but also lack commitment to resolve the issue. Resultantly, in an environment devoid of trust and consensus, ambiguity has constantly shrouded government initiatives for fighting terrorism and restoring peace in the country.
These divisions, while causing socio-political instability, are also undermining Pakistan’s economic system. Despite recent economic recovery and sound macro policies, the absence of genuine socio-economic development has provided ethno-sectarian elements and regional forces grounds to exploit and weaken Pakistan internally.
Considering the impact of the Information Age, the media - print, electronic and social, affect us as individual and as a collective body. Though problem solution is not the part of media’s job, it holds significant influence as far as informing and molding public opinion and consequently creating a positive environment for security and peace are concerned. The media can play an important role in creating a positive environment for peace: they can demonize or legitimize enemies, they can emphasize the benefits of peace or the risks of compromise, and they can monitor the peace processes for progress. Another by-product of the information age that could have an impact on policy making is the possibility of enhanced public responsiveness to events.
On the other hand, the role of media in war is not just to project the developing activities in a particular area but to offer a comprehensive picture, encompassing all aspects of the policies of the country. Currently, the war is not only fought by the armed forces but the whole nation is engaged in the economic, scientific, political and social endeavors and production in all feasible fields. It is a viable objective, which is achieved through the information and dissemination process of the media.
Today, electronic media is the most effective and powerful means of mass motivation. A nation not motivated enough to withstand the aggression cannot aspire to preserve its freedom, faith and ideology for long. On the other hand, strong motivated people cannot be forced to abandon their struggle against heavy odds. It is for this aspect of unique coverage and impact that the electronic media can be geared.
The religious spectrum ranges from mild to extreme. The proponents of this discourse can be found at all levels of state and society. The insurgents and hardliners siding with the Afghan Taliban are not in majority. Their groupings are neither centralized in character nor directly controlled by Al Qaeda. A number of groups with sectarian, ethnic, and Islamist agendas, joined by criminals, come together under the banner of jihad against the presence of Western forces in Afghanistan and the Pakistani government.
However, moderate religious organizations – including charities, madrassas and the civil society – believe that extremists are misusing Islam for their petty agendas. But the people all over the world are feeling the fallout. Such moderate elements have not been able to come to the forefront and ordinary people continue to fall prey to the extremist version of Islam. This brings us to political perspective on peace in the post-9/11 era.
Pakistan’s economic performance does not appear to be bright in the wake of the prevailing turmoil, rising terrorist violence, political uncertainties and growing Talibanization of the society. Due to economic instability investors are afraid of investing in Pakistan. Even Pakistan’s own investors, traders and industrialists reluctant to invest here, prefer to do investment in countries. This directly increases our public resentment.
Pakistan faces multi forms of terrorism; To begin with, the Global War on Terror (GWOT) effects Pakistan’s security environment more than any other state in the world. The events of 9/11 brought dramatic changes not only in Pakistan’s foreign policy but also drastically disturbed the security scenario of Pakistan.
Therefore, the emphasis on national security, since then, has changed: it now revolves around internal threats and challenges rather than external. Among the domestic sources of concerns that had almost continuously impacted Pakistani society, there are issues relating to governance, political instability, sluggish economy, energy and water crises, ethnicity, extremism, and terrorism etc. Given the nature of the existing international, regional, and domestic environment, Pakistan is facing many security challenges.
Pakistan has been facing external threats to its independence and territorial integrity right from its birth. Sandwiched between India and Afghanistan, Pakistan’s security perceptions have been largely influenced by its state of relationships with India and Afghanistan. Today, Pakistan is confronted with a three-threat scenario—the perennial threat from India, Afghanistan, and the threat emanating from a changing domestic situation, presenting a formidable task for Pakistani security planners.
More specifically, the single largest source of security challenges has been with India. However, on September 3, 2008, for the first time in 60 years of independence, Pakistan faced a direct military attack by external armed forces, other than India. It was an alarming situation for Pakistan's security and sovereignty. Periodic domestic troubles along with internal subversion further complicated the situation.
It is true in strategic terms that in view of Afghanistan’s internal problems and the relative military inferiority; it cannot pose a serious threat to Pakistan’s security. But the danger of possible fall out from Afghanistan’s political instability into the neighboring provinces of Pakistan cannot be overlooked. The provinces of Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa, Baluchistan and FATA are extremely prone to such an eventuality, primarily because of the existence of dissident elements. The diversion in Pakistan’s policy towards Afghanistan offers opportunities as well as challenges for the state. It could also provide an opportunity to anti-government elements to use the ignited situation to their own advantage.
It is important to note that FATA has been considered as a strategic depth of Pakistan and as the legitimate area of country’s territories. In fact, it has been the part of Pakistan’s foreign policy to protect and secure its borders and to make no compromise on its national objectives. Federally Administered Tribal Area (FATA) of Pakistan became breeding grounds of extremism from where terrorists and extremists spread throughout Pakistan in the name of religious activism. The protection of the whole country depends on securing the FATA, which is the gateway to Pakistan’s territorial integrity and governance.
Since 9/11 there are many horizontal and vertical divisions regarding national security, which keep people divided: religion, identity and economic disparity. Religious extremism has created an unenviable image of Pakistan in the eyes of the rest of the world and has affected the country adversely. Besides ethnicity and sectarianism, inter-provincial grievances could also potentially cause serious damage to the federation. Similarly, Pakistan’s troubled economic conditions, fluid political setting, and perilous security circumstances present serious challenges to Pakistan’s security.
On top of it all, Talibanization promoted a culture of terrorism in Pakistan which includes ambushes on armed forces by Tehrik-e- Taliban Pakistan (TTP); suicide attacks in mosques and other important places; target killings of religious, political and civil society figures, scholars and doctors, journalists; and blowing up schools, offices of NGOs, bridges and pillions.
Deep rifts have always been present within the political, religious and even government circles on the issue of the war on terror and the government’s policies in this regard. There also appear to be rifts in public opinion vis’ - a - vis’ government approach to militancy and terrorism, for example certain groups agitation against the on going talks with TTP.
A sever skepticism has emerged about the negotiation process is that it helped set up the TTP as a legitimate political actor rather than a terrorist organization. The official policy has neither brought peace nor evolved a consensus on the issue. Many quarters consider Pakistan’s polity as confused with further confusion being sown by ill informed debates in the media. Consequently the natural outcome of talks would be a split view on the Taliban.
Moreover, certain political and security analysts argue that Weak governance and over-reliance on military solutions have contributed to political turmoil and a build-up of extremism. One comes across a multitude of statements – by military chiefs, the diplomatic community, and political leaders – which are not only contradictory but also lack commitment to resolve the issue. Resultantly, in an environment devoid of trust and consensus, ambiguity has constantly shrouded government initiatives for fighting terrorism and restoring peace in the country.
These divisions, while causing socio-political instability, are also undermining Pakistan’s economic system. Despite recent economic recovery and sound macro policies, the absence of genuine socio-economic development has provided ethno-sectarian elements and regional forces grounds to exploit and weaken Pakistan internally.
Considering the impact of the Information Age, the media - print, electronic and social, affect us as individual and as a collective body. Though problem solution is not the part of media’s job, it holds significant influence as far as informing and molding public opinion and consequently creating a positive environment for security and peace are concerned. The media can play an important role in creating a positive environment for peace: they can demonize or legitimize enemies, they can emphasize the benefits of peace or the risks of compromise, and they can monitor the peace processes for progress. Another by-product of the information age that could have an impact on policy making is the possibility of enhanced public responsiveness to events.
On the other hand, the role of media in war is not just to project the developing activities in a particular area but to offer a comprehensive picture, encompassing all aspects of the policies of the country. Currently, the war is not only fought by the armed forces but the whole nation is engaged in the economic, scientific, political and social endeavors and production in all feasible fields. It is a viable objective, which is achieved through the information and dissemination process of the media.
Today, electronic media is the most effective and powerful means of mass motivation. A nation not motivated enough to withstand the aggression cannot aspire to preserve its freedom, faith and ideology for long. On the other hand, strong motivated people cannot be forced to abandon their struggle against heavy odds. It is for this aspect of unique coverage and impact that the electronic media can be geared.
The religious spectrum ranges from mild to extreme. The proponents of this discourse can be found at all levels of state and society. The insurgents and hardliners siding with the Afghan Taliban are not in majority. Their groupings are neither centralized in character nor directly controlled by Al Qaeda. A number of groups with sectarian, ethnic, and Islamist agendas, joined by criminals, come together under the banner of jihad against the presence of Western forces in Afghanistan and the Pakistani government.
However, moderate religious organizations – including charities, madrassas and the civil society – believe that extremists are misusing Islam for their petty agendas. But the people all over the world are feeling the fallout. Such moderate elements have not been able to come to the forefront and ordinary people continue to fall prey to the extremist version of Islam. This brings us to political perspective on peace in the post-9/11 era.
Pakistan’s economic performance does not appear to be bright in the wake of the prevailing turmoil, rising terrorist violence, political uncertainties and growing Talibanization of the society. Due to economic instability investors are afraid of investing in Pakistan. Even Pakistan’s own investors, traders and industrialists reluctant to invest here, prefer to do investment in countries. This directly increases our public resentment.
Conclusion
To conclude, Pakistan needs a system of governance where
there are checks and balances, which works for the building of institutions and
bringing about cohesion within the working of these institutions. The major
problems stem from governance. Pakistan needs to have stability in order to
meet the challenges from outside and the remedy for that would be smooth
governance.
Economic
reforms need to be introduced which will be progressive for the country.
Education needs to be emphasized for development and stability in the country.
Social sector reforms need to be introduced.
The
ethno-sectarian problems are major security threats to Pakistan and will remain
a huge impediment to the goals of economic prosperity. Interdependence of these
multifaceted threats and their overall impact on internal security is the focus
of this analysis. Pakistan needs to address these national security threats and
find a viable solution in a reasonable timeframe to find its rightful place in
the community of modern nations. The immediate requirement is to introduce
political, economic and education reforms and take bold initiatives to obviate
present and future threats.
Pakistani Women: Role in Peace and Security
Women are powerful agents of change, peace and security. Despite being under represented at the local
and national level they have been struggling to promote a culture of tolerance
and peaceful coexistence in Pakistan. The studies on war and conflict comprise
of different factors having profound importance but very less has been said
about the role of women in peace, reconciliation and security processes. This
paper attempts to explore; their efforts to devise strategies to counter
extremism through their actions and interaction with political, religious and
other communities; and efforts to bridge the gulf not only between secular and
religious leaders but also between those struggling for peace and those instrumental
in creating hate and intolerance.
Nearly 70 years after its independence, Pakistan is still facing numerous crises, combined with regional warfare and the international intervention in Afghanistan, its impact on Tribal Areas bordering Afghanistan, military operations and the subsequent displacement of a large number of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs). Illiteracy, poverty, unemployment, lack of technical and vocational education and social insecurities are the causes of extremism making Pakistan vulnerable to terrorism. These factors have fueled the religious extremism threatening the foundations of the state. The mass migration, internal displacement, rape, abuse and killings in conflict areas have received little attention and no help and support is available to the destitute women and their children.
Nearly 70 years after its independence, Pakistan is still facing numerous crises, combined with regional warfare and the international intervention in Afghanistan, its impact on Tribal Areas bordering Afghanistan, military operations and the subsequent displacement of a large number of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs). Illiteracy, poverty, unemployment, lack of technical and vocational education and social insecurities are the causes of extremism making Pakistan vulnerable to terrorism. These factors have fueled the religious extremism threatening the foundations of the state. The mass migration, internal displacement, rape, abuse and killings in conflict areas have received little attention and no help and support is available to the destitute women and their children.
Unfortunately these
issues have been neglected mostly in Baluchistan, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Tribal
Areas, which consequently provide fertile grounds for those who wish to recruit
men and women to their cause, particularly when monetary benefits are attached.
Furthermore, the drone strike if on one hand has increased anti - Americanism,
on the other, terrorists have used collateral damage to their advantage. Though
the drone strikes have been helping in eliminating some of the wanted diehard
militants, it also has been eroding the credibility of the government and army
because people lose trust in them, as institutions, that seem to have failed to
guard the country and its international borders.
Access
to education not only gives their young minds knowledge but also helps them
cope with the uncertainty that abounds in their every day life. In recent years
the sphere of religious education and institutions in Pakistan have gained
significant political and international dimension. In remote areas of Pakistan, parents
send their girls to female madrassahs to supplement the state-based education,
and in some cases to avoid the more dangerous public schools in these areas. ‘The
number of women attending these madrassahs is increasing as more facilities and
incentives are offered. In the 1970’s such schools were rare. By 2009 for
example, there were 1,900 registered all-female madrassahs, 15 percent of all madrassahs
in the country.’ Many of madrassahs (religious
schools) are the only opportunity available for educations; unfortunately, some
have been used as incubators for violent extremism. The curricula in all-female madrassahs are designed by men
with basic aims to educate and train girls to be ideal mothers, obedient wife
and ensure women preserve and
transfer conservative Islamic traditions and
beliefs to their offspring. Recognizing the power of women to convey values to
their children, radical elements use all-female madrassahs as a mechanism to
spread fundamentalist ideology, for example, in the case of Jamia Hafsa
seminary attached to the Red Mosque in Islamabad. In July 2007, students and
leaders in the Red Mosque confronted government forces in a violent weeklong
siege that killed more than 60 people.
The increasing wave of extremism and terrorism has grave impact on those women who have lost their family members in the ongoing conflict between the government and militants. It has a great psychological effect, which leads to negative feeling in the form of anger and a sense of deprivation due to the economic difficulties, which could prompt them to take extreme steps. The armed conflict has also given rise to trauma, depression and other psychological problems in the society. The people who have suffered or even closely witnessed suicide bombings are under constant fear, which affect their outlook towards life.
Cultural traditions, social practices, intensifying ideological religious and ethnic passion and low literacy have left women increasingly vulnerable. In recent times, women have been tortured and targeted for being educators, for holding important positions, for resisting discrimination and violence against themselves and their families.
Women are psychologically affected by several pressures to the point that some of them find no way out except suicide. In fact studies of the impact of gender based repression on women in Afghanistan during the Taliban regime found that 65 percent of women had considered ending their lives and 16 percent had attempted it. They listed the causes of their depression as the repressive Taliban policies which limited their mobility, employment and education opportunities and created a general atmosphere of fear and hopelessness. A suicide attack which took place on 25 December 2010, which killed 41 people waiting in line for emergency rations in the Tribal Areas of Pakistan show a glimpse of their frustrations.
Women have a crucial role to play in promoting harmony and peace. They are able to open the doors of dialogue and peace, during war and conflict. Despite rising insecurity and militancy in Pakistan, they have continued to struggle for promoting common values based on peace and tolerance, equal rights, protection from violence, and public participation. They are taking increasingly active roles as leaders in politics and civil society, where they are countering extremist ideology.
Although the increased presence of women challenges conservative ideology and social attitudes, women’s political representation will be of no significance if women become absent from public spaces due to fear of being attacked. Two of the province most affected by religious extremism, Balochistan and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, the male community members and Taliban who consider female political participation against their culture and religion have discouraged every effort to bring women into the mainstream.
The role of women in peace building and the gender dimension of peace processes and conflict resolution are result of the impact of armed conflict on women. Pakistani women and women led organizations work inside communities throughout Pakistan, where they are gradually transforming education, promoting economic and political empowerment, providing social services for those affected by displacement, and facilitating rehabilitation for both victims and former militants.
While doing so, these organizations are engaging many stakeholders like women, youth, and political and religious leaders to discuss peace and security to shape an alternative, peaceful vision for the future of Pakistan. Female peace activists visit remote parts of country to uplift the condition of women in conflict areas, to promote peace education and tolerance among the radicalized young seminary students in Taliban strongholds and reintegrate potential suicide bombers into communities.
Some organizations such as PAIMAN Alumni Trust, INSAN Foundation Trust, Aurat Foundation create awareness, capacity development and technical support on gender equality, including non-violence and women's inclusion in peace building. These organizations and many others, besides offering psychosocial support and economic alternatives to violence, coordinate and train diverse community groups to identify signs of extremism. Besides advocating for curriculum reform in secular and religious education system, they are training female parliamentarians on women’s roles in conflict and reconstruction.
Among others Aurat Foundation programs have included a partnership with UN Women to increase understanding of women, peace, and security and mandates for women’s participation in these processes in Pakistan. The establishment and actions of these organizations show the rise of women-led initiatives in Pakistan that are challenging the tide of extremism within communities and providing new approaches to create a more inclusive, tolerant society. In this regard, 20 educated Pakistani women from diverse fields of life in April 2011 formed an anti-extremism alliance called Amn-o-Nisa (Women and Peace). These women work together to moderate extremism in the country.
At the government level, the increase in women’s seat in both national and provincial assemblies increased their sphere of influence. In this regard Pakistan’s first female Speaker of National Assembly convened the first Women's Parliamentary Caucus (WPC). The WPC, besides successfully passing legislations for the protection of women has, within parliament, focused on women, peace, and security in recent years. In 2010, the WPC convened the first Convention of Women Parliamentarians for ‘The Role of Women Parliamentarians in Peace, Security and Reconciliation,’ which included women legislators across federal and provincial assemblies.
The WPC has also taken steps to expand the dialogue bilaterally and internationally. In 2011-12, the WPC met with female parliamentarians from Afghanistan twice to discuss the role of women in peace and security, progressive legislation for women, areas for increased collaboration to support women in parliaments in the two countries, women’s full inclusion in security decisions, and women’s roles in promoting a culture of peace. In August 2013, the WPC met with the Secretary-General of the United Nations in a meeting that was organized by UN Women, in collaboration with the WPC, the National Commission on the Status of Women and UNDP.
Despite the challenges to participation, women in various fields are leading efforts to counter radical attitudes in Pakistan, to address the roots of radicalization, and to respond to the needs of families and communities affected by violence. They are fighting extremism in their daily lives with a belief that no country can solve the problem within Pakistan but the people of Pakistan themselves. The irony, however is, the international media that portray Pakistan in negative terms barely highlight the role of these women who strive for a change in their country. It is also important to note that despite their efforts, most of the times women are underrepresented and their perspective, knowledge and interest are not included to a sufficient degree in peace and security processes.
However, as the saying goes, ‘when there is a will, there is a way’ and it fits right on Pakistani women. They have been a critical force in the struggle for peace and tolerance in the country. Despite numerous risks and threats, women are on the frontlines of this battle for national identity. They are a key safeguard against the rising wave of extremism, and essential actors in preserving the core values of tolerance and equality upon which the country was founded. Their experiences and outlooks can provide a better understanding of the current state of peace and security in Pakistan, and their inclusion can offer improved approaches to its most pressing political, economic, and social challenges now and in the future.
The increasing wave of extremism and terrorism has grave impact on those women who have lost their family members in the ongoing conflict between the government and militants. It has a great psychological effect, which leads to negative feeling in the form of anger and a sense of deprivation due to the economic difficulties, which could prompt them to take extreme steps. The armed conflict has also given rise to trauma, depression and other psychological problems in the society. The people who have suffered or even closely witnessed suicide bombings are under constant fear, which affect their outlook towards life.
Cultural traditions, social practices, intensifying ideological religious and ethnic passion and low literacy have left women increasingly vulnerable. In recent times, women have been tortured and targeted for being educators, for holding important positions, for resisting discrimination and violence against themselves and their families.
Women are psychologically affected by several pressures to the point that some of them find no way out except suicide. In fact studies of the impact of gender based repression on women in Afghanistan during the Taliban regime found that 65 percent of women had considered ending their lives and 16 percent had attempted it. They listed the causes of their depression as the repressive Taliban policies which limited their mobility, employment and education opportunities and created a general atmosphere of fear and hopelessness. A suicide attack which took place on 25 December 2010, which killed 41 people waiting in line for emergency rations in the Tribal Areas of Pakistan show a glimpse of their frustrations.
Women have a crucial role to play in promoting harmony and peace. They are able to open the doors of dialogue and peace, during war and conflict. Despite rising insecurity and militancy in Pakistan, they have continued to struggle for promoting common values based on peace and tolerance, equal rights, protection from violence, and public participation. They are taking increasingly active roles as leaders in politics and civil society, where they are countering extremist ideology.
Although the increased presence of women challenges conservative ideology and social attitudes, women’s political representation will be of no significance if women become absent from public spaces due to fear of being attacked. Two of the province most affected by religious extremism, Balochistan and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, the male community members and Taliban who consider female political participation against their culture and religion have discouraged every effort to bring women into the mainstream.
The role of women in peace building and the gender dimension of peace processes and conflict resolution are result of the impact of armed conflict on women. Pakistani women and women led organizations work inside communities throughout Pakistan, where they are gradually transforming education, promoting economic and political empowerment, providing social services for those affected by displacement, and facilitating rehabilitation for both victims and former militants.
While doing so, these organizations are engaging many stakeholders like women, youth, and political and religious leaders to discuss peace and security to shape an alternative, peaceful vision for the future of Pakistan. Female peace activists visit remote parts of country to uplift the condition of women in conflict areas, to promote peace education and tolerance among the radicalized young seminary students in Taliban strongholds and reintegrate potential suicide bombers into communities.
Some organizations such as PAIMAN Alumni Trust, INSAN Foundation Trust, Aurat Foundation create awareness, capacity development and technical support on gender equality, including non-violence and women's inclusion in peace building. These organizations and many others, besides offering psychosocial support and economic alternatives to violence, coordinate and train diverse community groups to identify signs of extremism. Besides advocating for curriculum reform in secular and religious education system, they are training female parliamentarians on women’s roles in conflict and reconstruction.
Among others Aurat Foundation programs have included a partnership with UN Women to increase understanding of women, peace, and security and mandates for women’s participation in these processes in Pakistan. The establishment and actions of these organizations show the rise of women-led initiatives in Pakistan that are challenging the tide of extremism within communities and providing new approaches to create a more inclusive, tolerant society. In this regard, 20 educated Pakistani women from diverse fields of life in April 2011 formed an anti-extremism alliance called Amn-o-Nisa (Women and Peace). These women work together to moderate extremism in the country.
At the government level, the increase in women’s seat in both national and provincial assemblies increased their sphere of influence. In this regard Pakistan’s first female Speaker of National Assembly convened the first Women's Parliamentary Caucus (WPC). The WPC, besides successfully passing legislations for the protection of women has, within parliament, focused on women, peace, and security in recent years. In 2010, the WPC convened the first Convention of Women Parliamentarians for ‘The Role of Women Parliamentarians in Peace, Security and Reconciliation,’ which included women legislators across federal and provincial assemblies.
The WPC has also taken steps to expand the dialogue bilaterally and internationally. In 2011-12, the WPC met with female parliamentarians from Afghanistan twice to discuss the role of women in peace and security, progressive legislation for women, areas for increased collaboration to support women in parliaments in the two countries, women’s full inclusion in security decisions, and women’s roles in promoting a culture of peace. In August 2013, the WPC met with the Secretary-General of the United Nations in a meeting that was organized by UN Women, in collaboration with the WPC, the National Commission on the Status of Women and UNDP.
Despite the challenges to participation, women in various fields are leading efforts to counter radical attitudes in Pakistan, to address the roots of radicalization, and to respond to the needs of families and communities affected by violence. They are fighting extremism in their daily lives with a belief that no country can solve the problem within Pakistan but the people of Pakistan themselves. The irony, however is, the international media that portray Pakistan in negative terms barely highlight the role of these women who strive for a change in their country. It is also important to note that despite their efforts, most of the times women are underrepresented and their perspective, knowledge and interest are not included to a sufficient degree in peace and security processes.
However, as the saying goes, ‘when there is a will, there is a way’ and it fits right on Pakistani women. They have been a critical force in the struggle for peace and tolerance in the country. Despite numerous risks and threats, women are on the frontlines of this battle for national identity. They are a key safeguard against the rising wave of extremism, and essential actors in preserving the core values of tolerance and equality upon which the country was founded. Their experiences and outlooks can provide a better understanding of the current state of peace and security in Pakistan, and their inclusion can offer improved approaches to its most pressing political, economic, and social challenges now and in the future.
Religion and Women’s Rights: Lessons from Pakistan
The myth that women are inferior has greatly influenced the
status of women resulting in discrimination against them in all fields around
the globe. So much so that they are denied their basic rights enshrined in the
constitutions and laws of their respective countries. Human rights violations
continue to slip under the radar, sometimes due to of the lack of willingness
on the part of states or to protect traditional allies in international system,
therefore, many states violating human rights get away scot free. In other cases, though many states legally
accept gender equality, the citizen may not see it as natural or relevant to
their own lives.
The world’s leading religious communities are increasingly
embracing the principle of human right and women’s rights in particular.
However, it is contested that religious conservatives - Western and Muslim - along
with traditionalists share the blame for mistreatment of women across the
world. Human rights are found and rooted in religious thought and traditions
and indicate international human rights languages.
International human rights organizations at many points of
time have endorsed human rights and gender equality in various Declarations and
Conventions. These universal rights are embedded in the UDHR - 1948 (Universal
Declaration of Human Rights) and were reiterated in the Vienna Declaration and
Program of Action - 1993, adopted by the World Conference on Human Rights.
CEDAW - 1979 (Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination
against Women) - often described as an ‘international bill of rights for women’
- defines what constitute discrimination against women and confirmed that
women’s rights are human rights. It binds the states in protecting the rights
of women and expects national action to end such discrimination. CEDAW has been
ratified by 180 states, Pakistan, being one among them.
Therefore, the responsibility of protecting and promoting the
social, cultural, economic, civil and political rights of its citizens is
expected to be fulfilled by the state. And it is then the state that human
rights advocates hold responsible for violation of rights, even by private
individuals.
The efforts made by UDHR and CEDAW have been challenged in
many quarters of the Muslim world and were considered to be against the teachings
of Quran and Sunnah. The fact however is, that Islam preaches a high place in
society for women and provides them with numerous safeguards for their rights. It
is mentioned at various places in the Quran:
“ . . . and speak to them words of
appropriate kindness.” 4:5
In another surah it is mentioned:
“ . . . and women shall have rights over men similar to those
for men over women” 2:228
Women, in the Arab Peninsula before Islam, were mistreated,
disrespected and had virtually no rights. The Holy Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) made
great efforts to improve their status and changed how they were viewed in
society. Unfortunately, his teachings
are not followed in their true essence and many Quranic verses and Ahadees are
misinterpreted or misquoted.
In addition, in most Islamic societies, there are various
other factors governing the thinking of Muslims regarding the status and role
of women in society – not all of which stem from religious teachings.
Therefore, the denial of women’s rights should not be blamed on Islam but on
the unIslamic nature of their customs and traditions.
In Muslim societies, those who advocate women’s rights or the
feminist movement are considered to have fashioned their campaign after the
Western feminist movements. Similarly, there are misperceptions in the West
about the status of women in Islam; therefore it is important to address the
subject with objectivity. This becomes more important in case of Pakistan while
analyzing the status of women and the factors contributing to exploitation and
discrimination against them.
Let us now speak of today’s Pakistan and the journey of the
women within it. According to a World Bank report published in 2012, women make
up 49.19 percent of the total population. The plight of women in Pakistan is no
different than many other autocratic, theocratic regimes in the Muslim world and
the West alike. Even though the Constitution of Pakistan grants legal rights to
women, the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan reports that 80 percent of women
are not aware of their basic rights.
Economic structure in Pakistan has been hostage to religious
and political elites including tribal elders and feudal lords. Pakistani
society has neither been solely secular nor conservatively religious. Religion
has been used and misused to achieve self-interest by the above interest groups.
The members of this elite club have complimented each other by manipulating
religion for their own vested interests and attempted to impose their code of
morality on women in the name of Islamic teachings.
In the history of Pakistan, religious political parties have
not secured a big vote bank, but they have attempted to shape public opinion on
many issues. The only case when religious political parties gained a huge vote
bank was after the events of September 11, 2001, when a religious alliance of
six political parties, Mutahida Majlis - e - Amal (MMA) came to power in KP and
formed a coalition government in Balochistan in 2002. They attempted to enforce
Sharia Law in the province and subsequently in the country but could not
achieve success. Among other steps, MMA government ordered removal of
billboards displaying women images and termed them as un-Islamic. Due to strong
opposition to its Islamization process, MMA was duly rejected in the subsequent
national and provincial elections in 2008.
While much has been debated and discussed regarding the Islamic
Laws and its implications for women, secular quarters of Pakistan that includes
feminist movement have frequently challenged laws like Hudood Ordinances, the
Law of Evidence and Shariat Bill. The Hudood Ordinances were introduced and
enacted under the Military dictator General Muhammad Zia ul Haq on February 9th,
1979. There were protests against Hudood Ordinances because one of the Acts
related to Zina (Arabic word for fornication or adultery) in Hudood Ordinances
included women within the scope of Punishment. There were very few reported
cases of Zina against women before the enactment of the Law; the passage of the
Ordinances resulted in the increase in the number of allegations manifold. Many
of the times the allegations were false.
After the death of Zia, succeeding government did not pursue
these Laws with any zeal. Benazir Bhutto, the first Muslim Prime Minister, who
was thought to be more liberal, could not do much because of the opposition of
religious political parties and her party’s failure to get the required
majority to amend or repeal the Laws. In 2003, however, under the government of
General Pervez Musharraf, the National Commission on the Status of Women (NCSW)
in a report recommended repeal of Hudood Ordinances. While the Commission
included religious scholars and people from within the civil society, all
seventeen members except two agreed that the laws do not fulfill the criteria
for providing justice under national, international or religious law.
Interestingly, women came out in streets, the veiled women of religious parties
in favour of the Laws whereas women’s rights activist in favour to repeal the
Laws. Musharraf government fearing loss of support by religious parties failed
to amend or repeal the Laws but in 2006, added a bail provision to the Hudood
Ordinance, for women in jail under Hudood Ordinance. Though Hudood Laws are
enforced in various Muslim states, the countrywide reaction to these Laws makes
Pakistan the only Muslim country where the government made an effort to address
the grievances related to the Laws.
While many blame the Zia regime for facilitating religious
extremist groups who have no respect for women’s rights, there are others who
have supported and depended on these groups to legitimize and sustain their
power base. The undemocratic government in an attempt to legitimize its rule has
used the religion card very graciously, sometimes to cement the institutions of
state and religion and in other instances to separate the two for projection of
enlightened moderation. General Zia’s process of Islamization was to please the
House of Saud who filled the country’s coffer. On the contrary, General
Musharraf’s bail provision to the Acts came at a time when the US Congress was
considering 5.1 billion arms package to Pakistan. The irony is that the freedom
that was guaranteed to women, jailed under Hudood Law, was refused due to their
fears of worst circumstance outside jail.
Interestingly, there is diversity and variation in the status
and role of women depending on the their social circumstance. Pakistani society
has deeply remained tribal, feudal and strictly patriarchal, rife with
misogynistic practices, where women are regarded as second-class citizens. Though
the society as a whole is male dominated, women from the upper class in urban
areas enjoy much better status and significantly greater rights as compared to
those in rural areas.
One can argue that women always had a less favorable position
in comparison with men of the same class. Though, most of the times, they
suffered due to misperception of Islam but social and cultural factors have
mainly reduced their participation in fields outside the boundaries of their
homes. Social customs practiced in many parts of Pakistan have their roots in
the existing traditions in these areas. Hence, social and cultural constraints
put women at a disadvantageous position and it is questionable that Islamic
laws were the sole source of discrimination against women.
In interior Sindh, rural Punjab, tribal belt and some areas
of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Baluchistan, the landed elites exercise dominant
influence and rule their fiefdom through ‘Jirga’ or ‘Panchayat’ (tribal
courts), consisting of tribal elders. This system of parallel justice often
adjudicate on the matters concerning women but who themselves are never
consulted.
Women mostly in these areas are considered as symbol of
family honour where segregation from social, economic and political life is
visible. One reason contributing to this status is the male dominated tribal
and feudal society. Customs, like ‘Swara’ also called ‘Khoon Baha’ Vani and
‘Sang Chatti’ practiced in tribal belt and a few remote areas of Khyber
Pakhtunkhwa (KP), in Baluchistan rural Punjab and interior Sindh. These customs
are practiced widely as an indigenous means to settle a dispute, whereby a girl
is offered in marriage to settle a family or tribal dispute between two rivals.
In the tribal and conservative societies if a woman is
suspected of having extra marital relations or in some cases, if raped, their
own male family members, for the honour of family, can subject them to violence
resulting in honour killing. Other common practices include ‘marriage to Quran’
in Sindh, which forces a female family member to stay unmarried to avoid
division of property. Also, the ancient practice of buying and selling brides
still persists in many rural areas, though the national law prohibits it. Many
women routinely become victims of rape, acid throwing, honour killing known
with different names in Sindh and Baluchistan, including killing of female
health worker, teachers and members of NGO working to promote women’s rights.
Sindh High Court Sukkur Bench in one of its decision on April
24, 2004 banned the holding of Jirgas in the province but the provincial
government in an effort to validate this institution gave the directive for
drafting of the ‘Sindh Amicable Settlement of Dispute Ordinance’ (SASDO).
Lately, due to hue and cry of women’s rights activists and the projection of
such cases by media, the Supreme Court of Pakistan has taken suo-motu actions
against many such decisions. The Court has on many occasions ordered the arrest
of Jirga members. While ordering strict action against organizers of such
Jirgas in accordance with Article 10 (3) a, the Chief Secretaries and Inspector
Generals of Police (IGPs) were asked to submit reports regarding such gatherings
and action taken by the police. However, The Supreme Court actions are mainly
confined to settled areas, whereas in FATA the Jirgas are still being held.
Another point of attention is women deprivation of their
democratic, political and economic rights. Despite the ratification of
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), it is also worth
noting that women have been either under represented or excluded from political
participation in the conservative social setup in various parts of Pakistan.
Women have been marginalized but from time to time they managed to carve their
way into polity. Women representation in the National Assembly has been
varying, from as low as eight seats under the constitution of 1956 and 1962 to
sixty, an increase in number under the government of Musharraf. In the Senate
of Pakistan, the number of women representatives is four from each province and
one from Federal capital. However, there are no seats for women belonging to
Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA). This is one side of the story where
the state has ignored female population, the other part is even more
discriminatory; and that is - in FATA the male family members or the tribal
elders deny women participation in the electoral process and prevent them from
exercising their right to vote.
Since 9/11, the rise of religious extremism had added to the
miseries of womenfolk. Earlier girls were denied education in rural areas; now
the extremist elements are blasting schools to discourage female education.
According to a report submitted to the Supreme Court of Pakistan by
intelligence agencies in March 2013, 1030 schools and colleges have destroyed
by the Taliban insurgents in KP from 2009 to 2013 and many closed down. The
Human Rights Commission of Pakistan reported 791 cases of honour killings in
2010 and 913 in 2012 and 83 incidents of acid throwing in 2012. Not only in
FATA and Provincially Administered Tribal Areas (PATA), but also in other rural
areas, women are not allowed to go out of their homes to work. There was no
culture of women working outside their home in these societies but their
participation and contribution is ignored in Pakistan’s agricultural
economy.
Recently the cases of Malala (KP), a young girl shot for
wanting education; Mukhtara Mai (Punjab) and Dr. Shazia, (Balochistan), both rape
victims; and Faakihra (Sindh) an acid attack victim, are some examples that
attracted the attention of international media. Their stories epitomize the
plight of women in these areas. Various women’s rights organizations, for
example, ‘The Tribal Women Welfare Association’, Aurat Foundation, ‘Shirkat Gah-Women
Resource Center’ besides many others, are most determined in campaigning
against these inhuman practices. Women’s rights activists are frequently
highlighting these issues, recently the Pakistani film director, Sharmeen Obaid
Chinoy made a documentary film, ‘Saving Face’ which is an intimate look inside
Pakistani society.
In response to these problems, various laws were passed by
the Senate to ensure women’s rights and to stop criminal and discriminatory
practices against women. These include; ‘Women Protection Bill’ passed by the National
Assembly on November 15, 2006; ‘Prevention of Anti-Women Practice Amendment
Act’ passed by Senate in December 2011; ‘Acid Control and Acid Practice Bill
2010’ was passed in the same session. Another bill provided for economic and
other support to women in prison who are unable to defend themselves legally
and financially. On March 8, 2012, President Asif Ali Zardari signed the
National Commission on the Status of Women Bill’ into law which empowers the
commission with new financial and administrative powers and allowed them to
investigate violations of women’s rights.
But these measure are
not applicable to FATA and PATA due to which these legislations failed to
eradicate violence against women in one form or the other. However, the
government, in order to address these challenges, established women’s police
stations. These police stations are staffed by lady police officers making
things easier for women folks with regards to their complaints lodging. However,
in many cases of crime against women the perpetrators due to their social
status and connections pressurize the victim’s family to settle the matter out
of court. Such crimes should be considered as an offence against the state so
as to punish the offenders and give relief to the victims.
To conclude, a Pakistani woman is not suffering partiality
because of religion but due to the cultural characteristics and structure of
our society. Hudood Ordinances and other Islamic have been considered to be the
sources of violence against women, in the history of Pakistan, no woman has
been punished under Hudood Ordinances.
Pakistani society is diverse, Women who don’t know their
rights, suffer. Women who know their rights raise their voice for the rights of
other women. These are privileged urban women, who have gone to universities,
are serving in civil, military and judicial services and who are performing
their responsibilities as good as any man can. However, even all urbanites do
not enjoy that status and many share the miseries of the rural and tribal women
of Pakistani society. The lower middle class woman struggles through different
pressures, sometimes working from home, in other cases venturing outside. She
has to face the harsh reality that even if she is the sole bread earner, her
male counterpart is superior to her.
The participation of these women in public life has been
achieved through the struggle of various feminists and women’s rights movement
that started from Rana Liaqat Ali Khan, the first First Lady of Pakistan and
continues till date. It is the efforts of these ladies that today we have women’s
universities in major cities of the country and reserved seats for women have
been increased by ten percent recently. Above all, Pakistan is the only Muslim country,
which had a woman Prime Minister for two terms.
Most of the practices assessed, constitute acts of violence
against women in Pakistani society. The traditional cultural practices reflect
the misery of womenfolk in Pakistan, which persist because they are mostly
ignored, or the perpetrators are not taken to task due to government’s inaction.
The drawbacks in the implementation of various Bills introduced have further
strengthened the role of males to the detriment of women. Also, the rural women
due to ignorance and unawareness of their rights have endured pain. The state
of women can only be improved by encouraging girls’ enrollment in schools,
greater participation in politics and awareness about social, economic and
other related issues.
Moreover, to improve women’s right, the tribal and feudal
system needs to be dismantled. The government should also enact legislation
against domestic violence and take measures to improve investigation and
protection of honour killing and acid attacks against women. Furthermore, for
the protection of their rights, women’s rights have to be a priority in government
policy making. For the development of Pakistan, it is essential that the
government should take concrete steps to protect fundamental civil, economic,
social, political and cultural rights of women.
So you see, many issues affect the rights of women in
Pakistan and not all are religious. As discussed, many of the political and
cultural reasons for depriving women of their rights are often veiled in
religion, for in a country made in the name of God, arguing with any cause that
sites His name is often a task that many balk at. The fact remains however,
that the battle for women’s rights is a long and hard battle, one in which the
dynamics are constantly shifting. It is not an easy mission, but it is not an
impossible one either.
References
1.
Human Rights Commission of Pakistan Report.
2012.
2.
Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for
2012, United States Department of States - Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights
and Labour.
3.
www.supremecourt.gov.pk
4.
www.hrw.org/pk
5.
www.ngos.org.pk
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